SIEL conference 2025. Hudec Lecture ⏐ “Talking to Robert Hudec about International Economic Law Today”

 

A Conversation with Robert Hudec[1]

Jose Manuel Alvarez Zárate[2]


Good afternoon to all my esteemed colleagues, practitioners, academics, and public officials joining us today at the Ninth Biennial SIEL conference at National Taiwan University in Taipei.

I want to express my sincere gratitude to the SIEL Executive Council for inviting me to deliver the Robert Hudec Lecture. I was taken aback to receive the invitation at my home near Bogotá, Colombia, and I was deeply moved to be asked to deliver this lecture by such a distinguished group of colleagues, whom I greatly admire and respect. I am honoured to be delivering this speech today for several reasons, not least because of the importance of Professor Robert Hudec's extensive work and legacy in the field of international economic law. But also, because of the important figures who have delivered this lecture before me, including Professor John Jackson, Joseph Weiler, Professor Chang-fa Lo, Donald McRae, Michael Trebilcock, Joel Trachtman, Mary Footer and Padideh Alai. It is also an honour to share some ideas on the politics of international law and international economic law with you.

So, delivering this lecture to this vibrant and broad internationalist community is challenging because I will speak about ideas and values regarding law, politics and economics that we all share, albeit with different understandings and interpretations.

Since the first conference in Geneva, in 2008, this community, which is with us here today in beautiful Taipei, Taiwan (or Formosa ‘Isla Hermosa' in Spanish), multiple conversations have taken place on various issues that posed important challenges relating to trade and investment law, as well as to the relationship between these two and their impact on the environment, human rights, security, and physical and economic warfare.

These issues, which are being discussed at this conference, continue to resonate in classrooms, academic corridors and international organisations. To me, the same issues have not been settled yet in the trade and investment systems, and scholars, practitioners, and public officials are still working on them with the same level of intensity, with the distant hope that the main issues will be solved someday.  We do not exactly know when, but our hopes continue to guide us.

Let's begin. My lecture today is about power, and law applied to international economic law and international law. Why these two? Well, because today we are witnessing permanent tension in international relations between these and because power behaves no differently in all areas of international law.

I am sure that these are issues that everyone in this room has reflected on, and that we all have different ideas about, given the many current circumstances. Many of us have written articles and given lectures, and in the classroom, we have all attempted to explain to our students what is happening in the world today.

In the context of our biennial conference, some of Robert Hudec's ideas help us to discuss power and law. We acknowledge that the professor's extensive work continues to educate us on these matters. Thus, for this conference, I will just discuss a few of his ideas from two publications: Developing Countries in the GATT System from (1987), written shortly after the start of the Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations; and Thinking About the New Section 301: Beyond Good and Evil from (1990). Everything has changed since then.

I finished law school around the time these publications were released (1987) and began working full-time at a law firm (1990) on regulatory issues related to trade, international contracts, and investment in Colombia. At that time, these areas were studied and worked on jointly, at least in Latin America.

Now, let us pause briefly to consider the title that serves as the guiding principle for today's conference: "Navigating New Horizons: International Economic Law in a Changing World." This title is particularly apt when considered in conjunction with Robert Hudec's work, "Thinking About the New Section 301: Beyond Good and Evil" (1990), presents interesting concepts that demonstrate how nations' actions can result in substantial shifts within the international system. Consequently, as we focus on the imminent future, it is reasonable to anticipate that more substantial transformations in the economic, legal, and political domains will occur. The impending modifications will certainly present significant challenges. Nevertheless, they will also present an opportunity to enhance and reintroduce serious discussions about the fairness and impartiality of the international system. The International Economic Law, as was established, is not a neutral set of rules. It is a politically driven set of rules, ideologically motivated.  

For several years now, states, international institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the United Nations (UN), and the International Court of Justice (ICJ), among others, which inspire us to write and work, have been facing headwinds on their paths. In the past, they have overcome these challenges. Despite this, we are currently facing a hurricane on the horizon. The consequences of this hurricane will be devastating for many states, and millions of people will be affected. It threatens our stability and security, and even the survival of part of the international community.

Now, let’s give a short review of the inaugural SIEL Conference in 2008. At that time, Professor David Trubek commented on the relevance of Robert Hudec's work and his approach to the communicative, facilitative, and coercive functions of law at the international level and how these concepts could be applied to international economic law and to international law in general. Hudec did not express much enthusiasm on the coercive function but had hopes of the communicative and facilitative ones, as Trubek pointed out.

So, the role that law could or should play in the global economic order and the international order in general is clearly defined. However, nowadays, the repeated failure to comply with the principles and fundamentals contained in the WTO and UN charter, including commitments on climate change, among others, shows that those functions have stopped working. But, Hudec had a pragmatic view of law and politics. We should consider that the concept of politics is often used to describe a relationship of power between one entity and another.

 

Robert Hudec's pragmatic reflections on the linking of law and politics are useful. But Hudec understood politics as the exercise of diplomacy in negotiations and the resolution of differences in the old GATT, not as the use of plain power as we see it today.

So, my understanding is that for Hudec, diplomatic discussions took place through legal institutions that have evolved in sophisticated international organizations such as the WTO and UN.  This institutionalization would facilitate diplomatic conversations between the member states of these organizations, under rules that are subject to political interpretations. Thus, this kind of diplomacy, as conceived, has fallen short, and it is failing to resolve today's most pressing global problems, such as preventing war atrocities, war itself, respecting human rights, complying with trade rules, and environmental commitments, among others.

It is clear that some states are currently abusing their power, and that diplomacy and law are proving to be ineffective in responding to those countries.

We are facing a regression, a setback in international relations, where some states prefer to use hard power, even against the international rules they freely promoted and accepted not long ago. Thus, disregarding the law, diplomatic efforts, and criticism from most of the international community. We are certain that this sailing boat will take us towards a horizon full of changes, just as the title of our conference suggests.

As scholars and practitioners, we must keep discussing law and power to understand—and explain—the current dynamics of these two forces in the reconfiguration of the international system today. For this, we can recognize three levels of power in the international arena. In the first level, we find states with high and diverse resources of economic, military, and technological power. These states can actively influence the international system. The second level comprises states with medium power resources and medium capacity to influence the international system and have medium power to resist changes. The third level consists of states with low capacity to influence world politics and to resist the pressures exerted by the two previous levels. In this level we can find most states.

Let’s see what happens to the law when different powers collide. It is clear that recent economic clashes between states that share similar power resources, and are at the first level of power, lead to diplomatic negotiation between them and a modification of the international rules that apply to them, perhaps in a balanced way. But in their conversations, the general international rules that bind them are breached.  

Meanwhile, the trade confrontation between a state in the first level of power and states in levels two and three has led to the loss of multiple concessions negotiated multilaterally during the Uruguay Round to create the WTO, as well as the bilateral agreements through regional trade agreements. The conversations between these two groups of states do not seem to have ended with balanced concessions. On the contrary there are unilateral concessions for the first-level state power. 

One thing that has sparked my attention is that this diplomatic trade dialogue between the states involved in the disputes has continued, but governments, at least in Latin America, have not demanded compliance with the agreed-upon trade rules. This raises various concerns about the functions of law.

So, the international community should be concerned about the dilution of the functions of law, the destabilizing capacity of power actions on international institutions, and the lack of effective mechanisms in the WTO and the UN to control the excesses of power.

I also have concerns that even ethical appeals have failed to ensure compliance with international law. And that the legitimacy that international law has achieved so far as in the system to reasonably achieve greater levels of equality and justice is being lost.  However, despite its imperfections, international law can still be considered morally valid and work to achieve its compliance. Because International Law has undoubtedly engendered adherence and respect from most of the international community.

Following Hudec, who was not only concerned with pointing out states' failures to comply with international norms, but also proposed analysing the reasons behind these failures, we could venture to suggest some of the reasons: mainly, the inability of Western hegemonic states to maintain economic, technological and military power under the rules designed after World War II.

Also, the violation of international law could be undoubtedly explained by the following factors: changes generated by international competition over strategic natural and technological resources; changes in trade and investment flows; changes resulting from competition to maintain or access markets; and the dynamics of the struggle to achieve, consolidate, or maintain power hegemony.

At this point, we could ask ourselves: Where has the international law that was created with the express purpose of controlling power gone? The law is clearly insufficient and falls short when faced with the necessity to control the unrestrained exercise of power.

But more importantly, we need to find solutions: We must identify the necessary changes to pursue at the global level to ensure that power does not ignore the progress achieved in multilateral agreements.

To begin answering these questions, we could offer a glimpse of the historical background. Pause for a moment to reflect on how states have exercised power over the last 100-80 years within international legal frameworks. Also, consider the role of law in achieving some degree of power restraint, albeit in a limited manner.

The participation of third-level states —basically developing countries—was essential in introducing to the UN and GATT the recognition of the low level of economic and military power of these countries. This helped to limit the excesses of power, albeit without much success in many cases. But the rules of law to limit the power against developing countries are there, so the expectation that the international community as a whole must comply with them is also there. Such as the right to self-determination, as well as political, economic, and military non-interference on any state. I am confident that the current decline in following international law commitments, such as the guarantees of states to protect human rights is temporary.

On the other hand, global history proves that the excessive use of power was once the norm, and that the most abusive actions were justified using a variety of legal techniques. Francisco de Vitoria, one of the founding fathers of international law, Juan Gines de Sepúlveda, and others, justified Spaniard atrocities in America through legal means.

So, the abuses of power we are witnessing today are the product of historical continuities. These continuities show us the persistence of patterns of behavior and common characteristics of power abuse since time immemorial. For the purposes of this discussion, let’s go back to when the whole world was integrated into international trade, this is, when the great leap towards modern economic globalization happened and when the development of international law began in the 15th century with Francisco de Vitoria.

Allow me to comment some of these continuities. Remember the ambitious Spanish and Portuguese navigators who first ventured across the Atlantic Ocean at the end of the 15th century to reach what they later called America. They set out to open new trade routes to the East, but without really knowing where those horizons would take them, whom they would meet and what they would face. These entrepreneurs were driven by a strong aspiration for finding new markets and products, and a deep-seated ambition.

The Spanish encounter with America led to the Portuguese, Dutch, and English following suit. With them came much of Europe, which consolidated the colonization process of America—often bloody—while new voyages were undertaken. These tryps encouraged Spain to reach the territories they called the Philippines at the beginning of the 16th century. They moved to northern Taiwan and established the colony of Formosa – Isla Hermosa, meaning "beautiful island" in Spanish – at the beginning of the 17th century. But the Spanish were expelled from Formosa by the Dutch a few years later.

On the other hand, on their way to India to compete in the spice trade dominated by the Turks and Arabs, the Portuguese and Dutch established ports along the African coast in the 15th century, which they used to reach Asia and control the spice trade with Southeast Asia, China and Japan.

These ports were also used to initiate an infamous era of human trafficking for slavery until the 19th century. Other European powers joined in this trade. The African continent was divided up by these powers at the end of the 19th century, marking a new phase in African colonization.

While the European powers engaged in a fierce competition to expand their commercial empires and dominate African, Asian, and American territories, direct conflicts led to significant wars, including the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), which also involved North American, Indian, and Caribbean colonies.

In the case of the Middle East, from the 15th century onwards, when the European expansion began, the influence of that region on Europe was still felt in various fields: science, philosophy, art and architecture through commercial and cultural exchange. The Muslim conquest and settlement in Spain, from 711 to 1492, the latter being the year when Christopher Columbus arrived in America. The Ottomans established themselves in Sicily in the 9th and 11th centuries and advanced from the East for five centuries, from the 14th to the early 20th century, through the Balkans and Bulgaria.

 It is crucial to acknowledge that a significant portion of Hungary was occupied for 150 years, until the 17th century. The Ottomans even advanced to the gates of Vienna, until they were decisively defeated at the Battle of Vienna in 1683.

But, despite the ongoing wars, trade and cultural exchange between Europe and the Middle East persisted. Trade treaties known as capitulations ensured this exchange. These treaties granted commercial rights and privileges, including reduced tariffs and extraterritorial rights for their citizens within the Ottoman Empire.

The early capitulations between the 15th and 17th centuries saw the Ottoman Empire, a major power in the Mediterranean, grant capitulations to European nations such as France and Venice. This was a clear recognition of these countries as being friendly powers.

So, the Middle East colonization was rather different and gradual, until it intensified at the end of the 19th century, and consolidated when the Ottoman Empire fell in the First World War and the Middle East was divided between France and England, who were gaining markets, routes and influence in those territories since the 18th century.

This brief account shows the constant dynamics between the widespread use of power and force to open trade routes and markets, and the fragility of the construction of law to guide international relations. However, it is clear that the law was always present in these processes, even if the creation of it and compliance with it was determined by the most dominant power.

We have now arrived at the present time. The late 19th and 20th centuries saw the establishment of a network of international agreements of various types, including economic agreements. It took two world wars for the powers involved in the conflict to realize that stronger global institutions were necessary to promote international cooperation in different areas. Rules were needed to prevent future world wars, foster international cooperation in the political arena, and agree on a minimum set of rules.

These rules prohibited the use and threat of force against the territorial integrity of any state, and promoted respect for human rights and state sovereignty. It was also necessary to establish minimum rules to promote international financial stability and monetary cooperation. These rules were the first steps towards promoting the stability and predictability of international trade.

The creation of the UN, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) unequivocally demonstrated a commitment to the guiding force of international law, and confidence in the full and proper fulfillment of the established international agreements. This was an era of international hope.

Returning to Robert Hudec's ideas regarding the intertwining of law and politics in international relations, history has shown us that, when law and politics are in conflict, law is usually sacrificed by force. This conflict is understood as a battle over the different uses of power.  This is a historical fact, and it is still being experienced today. However, we must recognize that the world today is undeniably better than it was 80 years ago, 100 years ago, and definitely better than it was five centuries ago. International law has undoubtedly advanced, driving the global community toward a fairer world. Not perfect, but a better one.

And once again, we must ask ourselves a question: What can we do to discipline the savage forces of power that have been unleashed for so long? What can we do here and right now in our work as practitioners, academics and officials? The answer is simple: we must persistently demand respect for the law and work towards establishing more legitimate international rules to regulate the international conduct of the international community.

I endorse Professor David Trubek's and Patrick Cottrell's words in their paper "Robert Hudec and the Theory of International Economic Law: The Law of Global Space” where they clearly state that Hudec's work on trade is essential for addressing contemporary issues in international economic law. Hudec's general analysis is still a useful way to deal with current issues of international law and power.

Trubek says that Robert Hudec was a legalist who maintained his faith in rules. However, he was also pragmatic because he recognized that general standards and detailed rules can play an important, but not necessarily a decisive role in a complex normative process. He demonstrated how actors employ rules in various ways and how they may reinforce them with other sources of power and persuasion.

These ideas would seem to show that there is a certain form of controlled, non-abusive power that is necessary and accepted to help enforce international law. However, this view does not seem to be shared by most of the international community, because experience has shown that usually the use of power is not compatible with the correct interpretation and application of the law, in addition to undermining the legitimacy and credibility of the system. Furthermore, we observe that this practice has evolved into situations such as those we see today, which have led to a hegemonic excess in the interpretation of the law.

International law aims for equality, but reality is often one of power dynamics to gain different meanings of equality. As Paul Kahn explains in his paper Hegemony and International Law, power asymmetries shape the global order and influence the application and interpretation of international law.

Another work from Hudec serves well for this lecture. The approach in the essay "Thinking About the New Section 301: Beyond Good and Evil" (1990) Hudec’s criticism is still pragmatic. For him, criticizing the United States for claiming that "international law has been broken" is too simplistic and is not enough to understand how particular states interact, the reasons behind their positions, and the related benefits.

So, in this work of (1990) Hudec's views are clear: instead of simply condemning the United States, he uses the example of Section 301 to argue for the value and legitimacy of disregarding international rule-making bodies like the GATT. He argues that one can view Super 301 as 'justified disobedience' 

Despite this controversial thesis, what is interesting to point out now, is that by unilaterally imposing trade sanctions, imposing trade barriers or raising tariffs, the United States would be highlighting problematic areas and often force international organizations to make necessary reforms to their own rule-making and adjudicatory bodies. Hudec argued that it is possible, and even likely, that needed reforms would not be made without the forcing function of justified disobedience.

So, Hudec ignores the dead end of collective disapprobation and tries to explain why the United States choses such kinds of decisions; whether U.S. actions can be justified; and why these actions may benefit international trade law in the end.

By accepting the justification for noncompliance with international law for the purpose of reform, it could be interpreted as accepting that hegemonic powers may be able to encourage changes in international institutions and rules when they no longer suit them, rather than promoting changes through the mechanisms provided for that purpose within the institutional framework.

However, the justifications for repeated breaches in trade law show that it is necessary to create an organization other than the WTO, if this organization is not reformed. Also, because the promises of development, growth, and widespread well-being for all that accompanied GATT’s negotiations were not fulfilled for most developing countries. We can also see that the WTO's promoters' expectations regarding the maintenance of global economic and trade control, as well as control over information and technology, went out of their control. So, this is an organization that does not serve anyone anymore and should disappear or at least radically change.

In the case of developing countries, following the signing of the WTO in 1994, developing countries proceeded with the dismantling of tariffs and administrative barriers to trade, such as import licensing systems, among others. They also adopted strict knowledge protection regimes without providing compensation for technology transfer and dismantled their industrial policies to comply with TRIMS.

After applying all those policies for more than 30 years, achieving higher levels of balanced development appears to be challenging for developing countries under the current trade rules. The likelihood of achieving development is even lower if the new proposals to create an additional framework of exceptions to accommodate the monumental and extraordinary subsidies of developed countries to promote industrial sectors are successful. Consequently, in light of the challenges posed by agricultural subsidies, the obstacles encountered by exports from developing countries and the new wave of industrial subsidies, the rationale for maintaining the World Trade Organization (WTO) is declining rapidly. Thus, something should be done soon.  

In the words of Hudec’s work in 1987, Developing Countries in the GATT System, when he argued that “the present regime does not work well for the developing countries that are its intended beneficiaries, and should be replaced.” Hudec was somehow pessimistic about the relationship with developing countries becoming more productive within GATT. However, his hopelessness offered a shine of hope: 'There are those who believe that the GATT [now the WTO] has become so committed to the current policy that the only way to change it would be to start a new organization'

 Finally, and to conclude, the brief review of the current global landscape reveals ongoing challenges such as civil unrest, international tensions, and fierce competition for resources and markets.  We are currently observing various nuances in the way countries with the capacity to generate change in the global economic and political order are producing it. Many of these states' actions are contingent on the exercise of different means of power, including economic, diplomatic, and military intervention. Furthermore, it is important to acknowledge that the rationales provided for these actions frequently lack credibility and are not aligned with the UN Charter, the WTO, human rights principles and other international commitments.

I think that if Hudec were with us today, he would likely be advocating for a reform of the trade system and contributing to the promotion of change in other international institutions through his work.

Consequently, we should examine how we can contribute to the advancement of the world legal system through our academic and practical work.

I will be happy to hear your comments.

Thank you  

 



[1] This is Robert Hudec's lecture, which was delivered at the 9th SIEL Conference in Taipei on 10 July 2025 by Jose Manuel Alvarez Zárate.

[2] International Economic Law Professor, Universidad Externado de Colombia

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